It’s easy to assume that only ‘evil’ people commit atrocity. And it’s equally easy to imagine the victims as ‘good’ or ‘innocent’. But the reality is far more complex. Many perpetrators are tragic. They may begin as victims. Victims, too, may victimize others. These victims are imperfect. Some victims survive – and some even thrive – because of harm they inflict.
The post A former child soldier prosecuted at the International Criminal Court appeared first on OUPblog.
International criminal tribunals are in trouble. Lines are blurring between international legal systems. It's increasingly difficult to balance the benefits of open trade with the negative impact of its volatility. Rhetoric around border and migration control is vociferous. At the American Society of International Law's annual meeting (30 March – 2 April 2016), academics and practitioners will address the theme 'Charting New Frontiers in International Law'.
The post Addressing new frontiers in international law appeared first on OUPblog.
International arbitration expert Loukas Mistelis talks to George Miller about current arbitration issues. Together they discuss how the international arbitration landscape has developed, how arbitration theory has attempted to catch up with practice, and ask whether the golden age of arbitration is now passed.
The post Oxford Law Vox: Loukas Mistelis on international arbitration appeared first on OUPblog.
It has become topical to say that the International Criminal Court (ICC) is in crisis. For some, the ICC has stepped from crisis to crisis. Even before its existence, the Court has been for criticized for its selectivity, statutory limitations, and potential overreach. The ICC faces serious challenges in relation to credibility, legitimacy and expectations. I would like revisit some of these critiques. Looking back at the past decade, it seems that both the work of the ICC, and some of its criticisms, deserve further scrutiny.
The post How fair are criticisms of the ICC? appeared first on OUPblog.
The Rome Statute system is a partnership between the International Criminal Court as an institution and its governing body, the Assembly of States Parties. Both must work together in order to overcome a number of challenges, which fall within three broad themes.
The post Three challenges for the International Criminal Court appeared first on OUPblog.
Late last year, North Korea grabbed headlines after government-sponsored hackers infiltrated Sony and exposed the private correspondence of its executives. The more significant news that many may have missed, however, was the symbolic and long overdue UN resolution condemning the crimes against humanity North Korean committed against its own people.
The post Neverending nightmares: who has the power in international policy? appeared first on OUPblog.
By Gérard Prunier
On May 2nd a force of over 1,000 Chadian rebels mounted on a bevy of Toyota battle wagons and left western Darfur to try to overthrow Chad’s government. This was the third time an overthrow attempt was made, the previous occasions being April 2007 and February 2008. Both previous attacks had been close, but ended in defeat. Similar to the previous two episodes, the recent invasion had the support of the Sudanese government, but since President Omar Hassan el-Bashir now stands accused of crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court in The Hague and needs the critical support of the African Union, one can wonder what would cause him to launch into such a dangerous adventure.
The answer is simple: counter-insurgency. This takes us back to the early days of the Darfur quasi-genocide. President Idriss Déby Itno of Chad is a member of the Bidayat, a tribe closely related to the Zaghawa. The Zaghawa live on both sides of the Chad-Sudan border and the Sudanese Zaghawa are one of main tribes fighting the Khartoum regime. President Déby who gained power in December 1990 with the help of that very same Khartoum regime, refused at first to help his fellow tribesmen on the other side of the border. On the contrary, he even tried to help the Khartoum government. This did not sit very well with “his” Zaghawa who made up the core group of the Chadian armed forces. In May 2005 he was faced by a military revolt of his men. Déby was given the choice of either switching sides or being overthrown. This offer was not one to be easily refused and within months the mostly Zaghawa based Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) led by Khalil Ibrahim had Déby’s support.
This, of course, angered Omar el-Bashir and the Khartoum government started to recruit some disaffected elements from Chad to train and arm. Eighteen months later, they launched the first attack on N’Djamena, the capital of Chad. In reprisal President Déby armed the JEM and asked for its help against the rebels. In February 2008 JEM fighters joined the Chadian army to push back the rebels who had attacked N’Djamena, turning the whole conflict into an intra-Zaghawa war since members of the same tribe (but from different clans) were on both sides of the firing line. Three months later it was payback time and Khalil Ibrahim crossed the vast semi-desertic expanse of the Kordofan province to attack Khartoum itself. This attack too failed. Since the ICC indictment, the Sudanese regime feels embattled and fears that Déby, possibly with French and/or US support, might rearm Khalil Ibrahim and launch him again on the assault.
Given this very real danger, el-Bashir and his entourage have decided that the JEM guns are more dangerous than the possible disapproval of the African Union. In any case, the Union is so supine in the Sudanese case that it is likely to look the other way and accept Khartoum’s unconvincing denial of any complicity in the Chadian invasion.
The question remains, will the men in Khartoum manage to defeat Idriss Déby? This is not certain at all. Since last February, Déby, who is an unpopular but formidable warlord in his own right, has fortified his capital, bought heavy tanks and three Russian Sukhoi fighter-bombers. He has also recruited foreign mercenaries from as far as Mexico and the Ukraine. The Sudanese intelligence is aware of his military preparedness and they are at present trying to trigger a palace coup, which would have a greater chance of success than a frontal military assault. After all, there are still Zaghawa on both sides…
Gérard Prunier is a widely acclaimed journalist as well as the Director of the French Centre
for Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa. He has published over 120 articles and five books, including
The Rwanda Crisis and
Darfur: A 21st Century Genocide. His most recent book,
Africa’s World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe focuses on Congo, the Rwandan genocide, and events that led to the death of some four million people. Living in Ethiopia allows Prunier a unique view of the politics and current events of Central and Eastern Africa. Be sure to check back on Tuesdays to read more
Notes From Africa.
Eve Donegan, Sales & Marketing Assistant
Since Africa’s past and present can be complicated, we thought it would help to have a quick overview of some of the groups and political figures in Sudan and Somalia . We have selected some key topics that Gérard Prunier often referenced in Notes from Africa, and have provided a quick rundown of what they are.
Sudan:
- Justice and Equality Movement (JEM): JEM is a rebel group in Sudan that is involved in the Darfur conflict. Like other rebel groups, they strongly oppose the Sudanese government which is run by Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir. JEM is under the leadership of Khalil Ibrahim al-Wazir.
- Khalil Ibrahim al-Wazir: Khalil Ibrahim is from the Kobe branch of the Zaghawa ethnic group. He started and currently leads JEM. Ibrahim has claimed credit for starting a government revolt in regard to the Darfur conflict.
- International Criminal Court (ICC): The ICC is an independent institution, although they maintain close ties with the United Nations. They were established to control perpetrators of serious international crimes, such as genocide and war-related crimes.
- President Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir: Sudan’s leader, President al-Bashir, has been in power since 1989. This year Sudan will have their first democratic election in which current Vice President, Salva Kiir Mayardit, will challenge al-Bashir’s presidency. Mayardit is also the leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) .
Somalia:
- African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM): AMISOM works in Somalia to stabilize the country as a whole. Their mission is to, “…create a safe and secure environment in preparation for the transition to the UN.”
- Transitional Federal Government (TFG): The TFG was formed in 2004 and is one of several attempts to create a stable government in Somalia. The TFG is hoping to establish a democracy in Somalia with the planned democratic elections coming up this year.
- President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed: Sheikh Sharif became president after Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed resigned in December of 2008. He has been called a “moderate” leader, and was the chairman of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC).
- Union of Islamic Courts (UIC): After winning a battle for Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, the UIC controlled most of southern Somalia for six months. The group was made up of local Islamic courts that were created by businessmen to catch and punish their enemies.
Prunier brings these people, groups, history, and conflicts to life in his weekly blog. Keep reading on Tuesdays to find more Notes from Africa.
