Wednesday, April 2 

The Draftsmen’s Congress at the New Museum2:00pm
235 BoweryThe New Museum has invited the Society of Illustrators to participate in a collaborative project called the Draftsmen’s Congress led by artist Pawell Althamer.  The Society has partnered with the National Cartoonists Society exclusively.  Members will take part in the making of one large drawing that will take up the entire floor of the space in the museum.

Edie Fake Presents Memory Palaces 7:00pm Bureau of General Services- Queer Division hosted by Cage, 83A Hester Street Chicago comics artist Edie Fake and Brooklyn publishers Secret Acres are pleased to debut a monograph of Edie’s recent gallery exhibition, Memory Palaces.  Edie will present his drawings and discuss the genesis behind his project, a radical reimagining of queer spaces in Chicago.

Friday, April 4 Fiona Staples at Midtown Comics, 6:30 – 8:00pm 64 Fulton Street Join MoCCA Arts Festival Guest of Honor Fiona Staples at Midtown Comics downtown location. Robert Williams Mr. Bitchin’ 7:00pm at the SVA Theatre, Beatrice Theatr 333 West 23rd Street between 8th and 9th Avenues Film screening and Q & A with MoCCA Arts Festival Guest of Honor Robert Williams and Director Nancye Ferguson, moderated by culture critic and curator Carlo McCormick. SVA students and Faculty free, $5 General Admission Learn more…     Book Release Party for Glorkian Warrior Delivers A Pizza 7:00pm at Bergen Street Comics, 470 Bergen Street Join James Kochalka for the release of his new book!

After-Party and Awards Ceremony at the Society of Illustrators 7:00 – 11:00pm 128 East 63 Street The Society is hosting an after-party open only to MoCCA Arts Exhibitors, Speakers, Special Guests, and Volunteers. We will also be announcing the winners of the MoCCA Arts Festival Awards of Excellence during a special presentation. Free admission for MoCCA Fest badge holders includes beer, wine and soda plus a small plates buffet.

Sunday, April 6 MoCCA Arts Festival 11:00 – 6:00pm at the 69th Regiment Armory General Admission $5

By Tim Allen

On this day forty years ago, the African American psychologist Robert Williams coined the term “Ebonics” during an education conference held at Washington University in Saint Louis, Missouri. At the time, his audience was receptive to, even enthusiastic about, the word. But invoke the word “Ebonics” today and you’ll have no trouble raising the hackles of educators, journalists, linguists, and anyone else who might have an opinion about how people speak. (That basically accounts for all of us, right?) The meaning of the controversial term, however, has never been entirely stable.

For Williams, Ebonics encompassed not only the language of African Americans, but also their social and cultural histories. Williams fashioned the word “Ebonics”—a portmanteau of the words “ebony” (black) and “phonics” (sounds)—in order to address a perceived lack of understanding of the shared linguistic heritage of those who are descended from African slaves, whether in North America, the Caribbean, or Africa. Williams and several other scholars in attendance at the 1973 conference felt that the then-prevalent term “Black English” was insufficient to describe the totality of this legacy.

Ebonics managed to stay under the radar for the next couple of decades, but then re-emerged at the center of a national controversy surrounding linguistic, cultural, and racial diversity in late 1996. At that time, the Oakland, California school board, in an attempt to address some of the challenges of effectively teaching standard American English to African American schoolchildren, passed a resolution recognizing the utility of Ebonics in the classroom. The resolution suggested that teachers should acknowledge the legitimacy of the language that their students actually spoke and use it as a sort of tool in Standard English instruction. Many critics understood this idea as a lowering of standards and an endorsement of “slang”, but the proposed use of Ebonics in the classroom did not strike most linguists or educators as particularly troublesome. However, the resolution also initially characterized Ebonics as a language nearly entirely separate from English. (For example, the primary advocate of this theory, Ernie Smith, has called Ebonics “an antonym for Black English.” (Beyond Ebonics, p. 21)) The divisive idea that “Ebonics” could be considered its own language—not an English dialect but more closely related to West African languages—rubbed many people the wrong way and gave a number of detractors additional fodder for their derision.

Linguists were quick to respond to the controversy and offer their own understanding of “Ebonics”. In the midst of the Oakland debate, the Linguistic Society of America resolved that Ebonics is a speech variety that is “systematic and rule-governed like all natural speech varieties. […] Characterizations of Ebonics as “slang,” “mutant,” ” lazy,” “defective,” “ungrammatical,” or “broken English” are incorrect and demeaning.” The linguists refused to make a pronouncement on the status of Ebonics as either a language or dialect, stating that the distinction was largely a political or social one. However, most linguists agree on the notion that the linguistic features described by “Ebonics” compose a dialect of English that they would more likely call “African American Vernacular English” (AAVE) or perhaps “Black English Vernacular”. This dialect is one among many American English dialects, including Chicano English, Southern English, and New England English.

And if the meaning of “Ebonics” weren’t muddy enough, a fourth perspective on the term emerged around the time of the Oakland debate. Developed by Professor Carol Aisha Blackshire-Belay, this idea takes the original view of Ebonics as a descriptive term for languages spoken by the descendants of West African slaves and expands it to cover the language of anyone from Africa or in the African diaspora. Her Afrocentric vision of Ebonics, in linguist John Baugh’s estimation, “elevates racial unity, but it does so at the expense of linguistic accuracy.” (Beyond Ebonics, p. 23)

The term “Ebonics” seems to have fallen out of favor recently, perhaps due to the unpleasant associations with racially-tinged debate that it engenders (not to mention the confusing multitude of definitions it has produced!). However, the legacy of the Ebonics controversy that erupted in the United States in 1996 and 1997 has been analyzed extensively by scholars of language, politics, and race in subsequent years. And while “Ebonics”, the word, may have a reduced presence in our collective vocabulary, many of the larger issues surrounding its controversial history are still with us: How do we improve the academic achievement of African American children? How can we best teach English in school? How do we understand African American linguistic heritage in the context of American culture? Answers to these questions may not be immediately forthcoming, but we can, perhaps, thank “Ebonics” for moving the national conversation forward.

Tim Allen is an Assistant Editor for the Oxford African American Studies Center.

The Oxford African American Studies Center combines the authority of carefully edited reference works with sophisticated technology to create the most comprehensive collection of scholarship available online to focus on the lives and events which have shaped African American and African history and culture. It provides students, scholars and librarians with more than 10,000 articles by top scholars in the field.

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